Mizoram Assembly Election 2013 : A Brief Profile

by Nitu Maurya

For more information, please visit www.empoweringIndia.org

MLAs 2013: There were 142 candidates contesting the Mizoram Assembly election 2013 for the 40 seats. Among the newly elected MLAs, 34 belong to INC, 5 belong to MNF, and 1 MLA of MPC.

Electoral Performance: The average voter turnout percentage in Mizoram 2013 Assembly Election is 81%. In 2008 election, it was 80.02%.

In 2013 Assembly election, INC won the largest number of 34 seats with 44.61% of the vote share. MNF won 5 seats with 28.66% of the vote share and MPC won 1 seat with 6.15% of the vote share.

In 2008 Assembly election, INC had won the largest number of 32 seats with 38.89% of the vote share. MNF had won 3 seats with 30.65% of the vote share. MPC won 2 seats with 10.38% of the vote share, 2 seats won by ZNP with 10.22% of the vote share and 1 seat won by other party.

Table: 1

Assembly Election, 2013

Assembly Election, 2008


Seats Won

Party Votes%

Seats Won

Party Votes%

























Source: www.empoweringIndia.org

In 2013 Assembly election, Buddha Dhan Chakma (INC) from Tuichawng constituency won the election with largest vote margin (14,626). While  Er. Lalrinawma (MNF) from Tuikum constituency won with the lowest vote margin (14).

In 2008 Assembly election, Nirupam Chakma (INC) from Tuichawng constituency won the election with largest vote margin (3,112). Conversely, K. Liantlinga (ZNP) from Aizawl South-I constituency won the election with lowest vote margin (28).

The INC retained 28 constituencies in Mizoram in 2008 and 2013 assembly election.

Average assets of MLAs: The average asset per MLA in the Mizoram 2013 Assembly Elections is Rs. 3.10 Crores. Among the parties, the average asset per MLA (34MLAs) for INC is Rs.2.58 Crores, for MNF (5 MLAs) it is Rs.6.60 Crore and for MPC (1 MLAs) it is Rs 3.27 Crores.

The average asset of 26 re-elected MLAs in 2013 election is Rs 2.61 Crores. The average assets of these 26 MLAs in 2008 were Rs. 73.83 Lakh. All 26 re-elected MLAs are belong to INC.

Average Asset per MLA in 2008 Mizoram Assembly Elections was Rs. 57.58 Lakh. Among major parties, the average asset per MLA for INC was 65 Lakh (32 MLAs), for MNF (3 MLAs) was 1.09 Crore, for MPC was Rs. 71 Lakh (2 MLAs), for ZNP was Rs. 1.32 Crore (2 MLAs).

Comparison of Average Assets of MLAs in Assembly Elections 2008 and 2013


Number of MLAs, 2008

Average Assets, 2008

Number of MLAs, 2013

Average Assets, 2013

Average% Increase in Asset



















Source: www.empoweringIndia.org

Table: 3

Average asset increase of re-elected MLAs


Number of re-elected MLAs

Average Assets

Average% Increase in Assets








Source: www.empoweringIndia.org

MLAs not declared PAN details: In 2013 Assembly election, 30 (75%) MLAs have not declared their PAN details. In 2008 Assembly election, none of the MLAs had declared their PAN card details.

MLAs with Criminal Cases: None of the MLAs have acknowledged criminal cases in the Mizoram 2013 Assembly Elections.

Among the MLAs in 2008, 3 out of 40 (8%) MLAs had acknowledged criminal cases and all three MLAs were from INC.

Graduate MLAs: In the 2013 Assembly Elections, 17 out 40 (43%) MLAs are graduates. Among parties, 16 (47%) MLAs of INC, 1 (20%) MLAs of MNF are graduates.

Among the MLAs in 2008, 12 out of 40 (30%) MLAs were graduates in Mizoram. Among parties, 11 (34%) MLAs of INC and 1 MLA of ZNP were graduates.

Young MLAs (35 years and below): None of the MLAs are young in the 2013 Assembly Elections. Among the winners of 2008, only 1 MLA from INC was under 35 years.

Women MLAs: None of the women candidates won in 2008 (9 women candidates) as well as 2013 (6 women candidates) Assembly election. This in state where the women voters outnumber the men.

Party Abbreviations:  INC – Indian National Congress, MNF- Mizo National Front, MPC-Mizoram People’s Conference, ZNP- Zoram Nationalist Party

Table: 4


3 Constituencies retained by INC in Mizoram 2003 and 2008 Assembly Election

28 Constituencies retained by INC in Mizoram 2008 and 2013 Assembly Election

2 Constituencies retained by INC in Mizoram 2003, 2008 and 2013 Assembly Election

Aizawl East-I


Aizawl East-II


Aizawl North-I




Aizawl North-II

Aizawl North-III


Aizawl South-I

Aizawl South-II


Aizawl South-III


Aizawl West-I

Aizawl West-II

Aizawl West-III



Champhai North


Champhai South




East Tuipui






Lawngtlai East


Lawngtlai West



Lunglei East


Lunglei North


Lunglei South


Lunglei West












South Tuipui















West Tuipui


Source: www.empoweringIndia.org

Chart: 1

Economic Growth and Party Vote%

Note: Due to non-availability of 2012-13 economic growth data, we put 2013 assembly election vote% data in 2011-12 year.

Chart: 2

Party Vote%

Liberty Institute, New Delhi

Author: Ms Nitu Maurya is a research fellow at Liberty Institute, New Delhi.

Email: nitu@libertyinstitute.org.in, info@libertyinstitute.org.in

http://www.InDefenceofLiberty.org | http://www.EmpoweringIndia.org | http://www.RighttoProperty.org


Lokpal Bill must be passed now

With  Anna Hazare giving his blessings to the latest draft of the Lokpal Bill, there’s little reason to delay its passage in Parliament. Add to this the fact both opposition BJP and UPA ally Samajwadi Party — which had earlier vehemently opposed the Bill — have softened their stand and are willing to facilitate the anti-graft legislation. Taken together, this provides the government with an excellent window to pass the Bill in the ongoing winter session of Parliament. With the next session — the final before the 2014 general elections — likely to be wholly dedicated to the Union Budget, it is literally a case of now or never for the Lokpal.

There’s no denying that the almost unanimous eagerness on part of political parties to give effect to an anti-graft ombudsman is directly related to anti-corruption sentiment sweeping the electorate. This was evidenced during the recent round of assembly elections where people voted for good governance and rejected those perceived to be corrupt. Even where the incumbent regime won, tainted candidates were vociferously rebuffed. In this scenario, Congress can make up for lost ground if it is seen as being responsive to civil society’s concerns and pushing through the Lokpal. With Anna Hazare giving his blessings to the latest draft of the Lokpal Bill, there’s little reason to delay its passage in Parliament. Add to this the fact both opposition BJP and UPA ally Samajwadi Party — which had earlier vehemently opposed the Bill — have softened their stand and are willing to facilitate the anti-graft legislation. Taken together, this provides the government with an excellent window to pass the Bill in the ongoing winter session of Parliament. With the next session — the final before the 2014 general elections — likely to be wholly dedicated to the Union Budget, it is literally a case of now or never for the Lokpal.
up for lost ground if it is seen as being responsive to civil society’s concerns and pushing through the Lokpal.



Keep the movement going

Did the citizens of Delhi read party manifestos before they voted? If they had studied all of that and then set out for the polling booth, the results may well have been different. The Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) could have come a distant third: a David crunched by two Goliaths. If truth be told, the Congress probably had a better programme on paper than the other two, but look what happened to it.

The reason the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) did well was because the electorate had had enough of the Congress. The reason why the AAP did well was because, once again, people had had enough of the Congress. In both cases, where was the manifesto?

How then did these two parties fatten themselves by devouring the same animal? Simply by dividing the spoils without a well- thought-out recipe. The BJP bit into chunks from the north west, south and southwest Delhi, leaving the heart of the capital to be savaged by the AAP. The rich, the poor and the middle class spread their favours equally among the three contenders, which shows, once again, that manifestos did not count.



Rather than blame others, both Congress and AAP should deliver on governance

Following the no-confidence motion against the government by Congress’s own MPs from Seemandhara, the winter session of Parliament has been rendered dysfunctional by frequent disruptions from members. Now there is talk of adjourning Parliament sine die. If politicians assume that governance can be put on hold till the next general elections in 2014, this is a dangerous conclusion to draw. This might be election season, but the public still expects its representatives to take responsibility and govern rather than simply score brownie points off each other.

As the Rajasthan assembly elections results showed, we are long past the date when a few populist sops thrown to the people just before elections are going to swing them. Neither will general elections necessarily resolve the current crisis in economy and governance. It could throw up a weak minority government that is more hamstrung than the present government. But rather than make last-ditch efforts to push through economic reforms and key policies ahead of general elections, the UPA government seems to have stopped trying altogether. Nothing could be worse for a country facing a serious economic downturn.


Regional parties becoming prominent

by Abhijit Deb


In an era of coalition politics, when the regional parties are gaining prominence in the political map of the country, surprisingly, in north eastern states, most of the regional parties which were the end product of long drawn movement or armed struggle are fast fading into oblivion.

Out of the seven north eastern states only Naga Peoples Front, a regional party which is the lead partner in Democratic Alliance of Nagaland supported by BJP is ruling the state for consecutive third time, keeping in bay the national parties like Congress.

On the other hand the regional party like Mizo National Front (MNF) which was born out of long armed struggle espoused the cause of `sub-nationalism’ joined the mainstream politics after the Mizo accord was signed in 1986. However, the card of `Mizo Nationalism’ the sentiment that fuelled the secessionist movement against India in 1966 has failed to garner votes for the part in the just concluded assembly elections. The party which fought elections on alliance with local parties like Mizo Peoples Conference and Marland Democratic Party could manage to win only 5 seats in last two assembly elections.

The falling electoral fortune of MNF is an indication towards the trend that as the democratic process strengthened by passing of time the focus of the electorate seems to have shifted to basic issues of governance like development and accountability, and the leaders of these movements who acquired political power, were held accountable by voters, sooner or later.

Notably, loss of former chief minister Zoramthanga in assembly election, who is a rebel turned political leader gives credence to the above fact.

Riding on more or less on the same plank of aggressive regionalism, the harbinger of regional politics in the north east, Asom Gana Parishad (AGP) which two decades back used to enjoy unparallel popularity, is not even a shadow of its former self..

AGP was the end product of historic Assam movement against migrants led by the influential student organisation All Assam Students Union (AASU).  The Agitation underlined the Assamese yearning for ‘self-identity’, and produced a new set of leaders and a new political party, the Asom Gana Parishad (AGP), which was formed on October 14, 1985.

AGP leaders were drawn from two influential students’ bodies, the All Assam Students’ Union (AASU) and the Assam Jatiyatabadi Yuba Chhatra Parishad (AJYCP). At the young age of 28, Prafulla Kumar , the student leader became the youngest chief minister of the state in the country. However, the personal aspiration rose over the party ideology and there was split in the party. Differences between two of its main leader late Brighu Phukan and Mahanta dent a serious blow to the party image at large.

On similar lines, United Liberation Front of Asom (ULFA), the most prominent insurgent outfit in Assam raised a ‘revolutionary banner’ against the illegal migrants from Bangladesh, and the utter neglect of the people of Assam by the Union government, and sought a solution in creating a Swadhin Asom (Independent Assam),

While AGP and AASU led a political movement, ULFA on other hand was involved in the armed struggle which during last part of the nineties caught the imagination of average Assamese, however, with change in time and ULFA doing a somersault in its ideology the outfit lost people’s support.

On the other hand the support which AGP used to enjoy from AASU died down, as the two time government at the state were accused of huge corruption and training guns on people who once helped them.

Reportedly, the party had a tactic support of ULFA, but the insurgent organisations turned against the party when it started targeting its cadres.

“People had lot of expectations from AGP mainly in solving the foreigner’s issue. But, its leaders all middle and lower middle class and young couldn’t resist the temptation of power and lure of money. In doing so they completely ignored the illegal migrants issue riding on which they were voted to power,” said Anirban Roy, a senior journalist who has tracked the party in its initial days.

The political vacuum created by the decline of AGP is now being filled by the religious minority party All India United Democratic Front (AIUDF),  which has emerged as the principal opposition party in the state with 18 seats in assembly pushing AGP to a distant fourth in state politics after BJP.

Mainly in north east language and region has acquired the nature of ideology of all these parties. If we leave out the Hindi-speaking States, most others are unilingual States and that provided fertile soil for the emergence of regional parties. As language and region coalesce, regionalism took the form of linguistic nationalism. When they are further combined with religion, culture or ethnic identity it becomes a powerful force. However, this very fact of the party in changing socio-political scenario is working against it .

“Big regional parties like AGP have to be more accommodative in a complex state like Assam. Should be representative of  hopes and aspirations of all ethnic communities in multi cultural state. And this is the way forward, if it has to regain its lost glory,” said Neipu Rio, Chief Minister of Nagaland, and president of  Naga Peoples Front, the only regional party in the seven states of North East region, ruling the state of Nagaland for third consecutive term.

Cut to Tripura in last ruled left state in India, the present political status of Indigenous National Party of Tripura (INPT)  a regional party raised to address the hopes and aspirations of tribal in the state and was propped by the congress to tackle the growing left domination. However, INPT lost its track and it former guerrilla chief Bijoy Harngkhwal failed to retain his own seat in the last assembly elections.

The formation of the INPT was pushed through after pressure from the underground National Liberation Front of Tripura, who wanted to unite all tribal nationalist forces in a single party. The INPT is commonly seen as the political branch of NLFT.

Even in tribal belts in the state, ruling left government has made inroads which otherwise should have been the traditional base of the regional parties.

“There is no opposition in Tripura. Congress used INPT to arrest the growth of Marxist rule in the state, it backfired. The alliance government of INPT and Congress of 1988 was a disaster. INPT is a spent force in the state politics,” said a senior journalist of Agartala.

Be it MNF, AGP or INPT all these parties born out of a violent movement espousing the cause of sub-nationalism are now finding it hard to cope with the changing socio-political scenario. The issue of performance, delivery in the democratic setup are taking precedence over the emotional fervour.

Meanwhile, the present political scenario in Meghalaya where there are host of regional issues like the issue of Inner Line Permit ( ILP) and separate Garoland for Garos which regional parties are flaring in order to gain mileage in the electoral politics. Parties like United Democratic Front, Hill State Peoples Democratic Party and number of other regional parties are trying to exploit the local sentiment but, it is not translating into votes in electoral politics. The fall of newly floated party by former lok sabha speaker P A Sangma who is stalwart in state politics is an indication that when it comes to governance electorate are giving preference to the developmental issues.

The state has a dubious distinction of seeing heights of instability which has seen six chief minister in five years time. But in 2013 assembly elections, Congress got near absolute majority which signalled a big change in voting pattern and consolidation of national parties.

“Every party needs a dynamic structure to resist the push and pull of changing times. In case of  most regional parties once the spark of movements they were spearheading got over weakness surfaces and experienced campaigner like Congress latched into it ,” said Roy.

Economics and continuity

Much of what Finance Minister P. Chidambaram and RBI Governor Raghuram Rajan said at the Economic Conclave 2013 is not new. There is, however, a special contextual significance. It is for the first time after the recent State Assembly elections that top policymakers of the UPA government are seen reiterating the broad contours of the government’s economic agenda and policy goals. Considering that the Congress party heading the UPA lost heavily in the elections and faces an equally grim challenge in the general elections barely six months away, the purpose of such reiteration is not quite clear. At one level, it could be an appeal to the next government to maintain continuity in certain core areas of economic policy. That, however, assumes a certain degree of consensus among the leading political parties on key economic areas — which is not evident even now and is even less likely to be so after the elections. Mr. Chidambaram’s focus on achieving fiscal consolidation within a specified time-frame involves a number of difficult steps to cut expenditure and boost revenue. The former involves, among others, pruning subsidies and freeing controlled prices in the energy sector. These have always been politically difficult decisions and it is facile to assume that the next Finance Minister will find it any easier to undertake a course- correction. The level of economic growth is a crucial determinant of revenue collection. Unfortunately, GDP growth has been at a low ebb, struggling to reach a modest 5 per cent annual level.

Inflation has remained a big worry over a long period. The governments of the day have paid a heavy political price on account of inflation — a point so very evident from the recent election results. Both the Centre and the States need to act in unison to check negative trends.



New government should fix paralysis in policy making

In a recent article on this page (December 3), finance minister  P Chidambaram enumerated the achievements of his government as well as his own. No doubt, he deserves much credit for facing head on many challenges he inherited from his predecessor.
Rapid growth and concomitant rise in revenues have led to a build up of huge appetite for spending in most ministries in recent years. The recent sharp decline in growth, which arrested growth in revenues, did not curb this appetite. Consequently, the task of playing the bad cop to contain fiscal deficit fell squarely on the FM’s shoulders. He performed this task admirably, keeping his word on fiscal deficit in 2012-13 and promising in the current fiscal year not to breach the red line under any circumstances. The FM also deserves credit for reassuring investors on retrospective taxation and for bringing down the current account deficit by letting the rupee finally depreciate.
But his defence of the record of the  United Progressive Alliance (UPA) beyond these accomplishments is less persuasive. To absolve his government of responsibility for the continued fragile state of the economy, the FM refers to a number of recent surveys that paint India in favourable light and states, “Why do I quote these surveys and studies? No government delivers growth. Government only delivers conditions for growth.” But he then proceeds to compare the record of the National Democratic Alliance (NDA) government between 1998 and 2004 with that of UPA I between 2004 and 2009 along several dimensions and concludes, “I am sorry I cannot pick a best year under any head between 1998 and 2004.” Now there is an inconsistency between stating that governments do not deliver growth when growth failure occurs and simultaneously patting a government on the back for delivering growth when such growth does materialise. But this is precisely what the FM has done.
A critic might further ask precisely what policies did UPA I deliver to produce the high growth during 2004 to 2009. Beyond continued trade liberalisation and trimming of the small-scale-industries (SSI) reservation list, this writer is hard-pressed to think of reforms during this period to which high growth could be attributed. Even progress in infrastructure, which had acquired great momentum under NDA and faced little political opposition, greatly slowed down. The most plausible explanation for high growth from 2004 and 2009 is the accumulation of reforms undertaken by India’s two great prime ministers in recent history: P V  Narasimha Rao and Atal Bihari Vajpayee.
Ironically, if we apply the yardstick suggested by Chidambaram — delivery of conditions for growth — Vajpayee’s NDA government deserves much applause. Even a partial list of measures conducive to growth during that period is impressive: the new telecom policy, end to import licensing in consumer goods, trade and foreign investment liberalisation, end to SSI reservation for substantial exporters, indirect-tax reform, privatisation, building of infrastructure, open skies policy, agricultural produce marketing reform, end to administered interest rates on most government savings instruments, and monetary policy reform. When it comes to growth, most economic policies pay dividend with a lag. For this reason UPA I, which ruled from 2004 to 2009, reaped what NDA had sown. Likewise, UPA II is now reaping what the UPA I had sown. Of course, current policies are not irrelevant to growth. Benefits from NDA reforms would have been largely nullified had UPA I gone back on those reforms. Likewise, decision-making paralysis under UPA II has significantly contributed to the recent slowdown.
Looking ahead, there is both good news and bad news for the government that would come to power in 2014. Good news is that to the extent that paralysis in decision-making is causing the current decline in growth rate, it will be easy to make quick gains in growth.

Expose of lobbying by parliamenterians

In its latest undercover investigation, codenamed Operation Falcon Claw, Cobrapost has reportedly exposed a bunch of parliamentarians willing to not only write recommendation letters but also lobby with the petroleum ministry for a foreign company to help it secure oil exploration and rigging rights in the Northeast.



Why do the elections in Mizoram teach us ?

by Abhijit Deb


December 12, 2013

On one side a three term old congress government was routed in the nerve center of power-Delhi on anti incumbency factor, on the contrary, a state farthest from it, Mizoram, the party was voted back to power on pro-incumbency wave, riding on a pro-poor land reform policy. It’s surely a stark contrast.

Political analysts are giving credit to the New Land Use Policy (NULP) launched by the ruling  Congress government in the state which did the trick for the party in the assembly elections, where it came back to power for the second consecutive term outperforming an alliance of regional parties led by Mizo National Front. The party bettered its tally to 33 compared to 32 seats in 2008 elections.

In the tiny Christian-dominated state, where election is considered to be the cleanest, with church playing the role of a strict watchdog, the principal opposition party Mizo National Front ( MNF) along with its alliance partners Mizo Peoples Conference ( MPC), and Marland Democratic Front (MDF), failed to put up an impressive show of united strength of regional parties.   

In the Nov 25 Mizoram assembly elections, the ruling Congress swept 33 of the 40 seats (one seat more than in the outgoing house), leaving five seats to the opposition Mizo National Front (MNF) and one for the Mizoram People’s Conference (MPC).

In 2008 assembly elections MNF won 3 seats, MPC 2 and Marland Democratic Party 1 and Zoram Nationalist Party 1.

While the national issues such as corruption, inflation weighed heavily on the Congress party in other four states which went to polls, contrary in Mizoram a predominantly, agricultural dependent state, welfare schemes of the party strike a chord with the electorate, unlike  Rajasthan where party suffered its worst defeat despite  showering  citizens  with number  of welfare schemes.

It is Congress’ fourth electoral victory after Mizoram attained statehood in 1987, following the signing of the historic 1986 Mizo Accord between the Centre and MNF led by the legendary Pu Laldenga.

Notably, this time the president of MNF party and former chief minister Zoramthanga lost his East Tuipui seat. The MNF chief lost his seat to Congress’ T Sangkunga, a retired government employee.

Whereas, Lal Thanhawla state PCC chief, who will assume the chief minister’s office for a fifth term, won from two assembly seats — Serchhip and Hrangturzo (both in central Mizoram) — defeating his MNF and MPC rivals respectively.

The loss of rebel turned politician Zoramthanga also signaled the falling popularity of his party which has always caught the imagination of the people in the state.
Subsequently, it went on to win assembly elections in 1987, 1998 and 2003, but lost to the Congress for two consecutive terms, including this election indicates that the tide is turning towards the issues of development.

MNF president, Zoramthunga,  formed a three-party opposition alliance comprising the Mizoram Democratic Alliance (MDA), the Mizoram People’s Conference (MPC) and the Maraland Democratic Front (MDF), but it was not strong enough to take on the Congress led by chief minister Lal Thanhawla.

Besides, another regional party, the Zoram Nationalist Party (ZNP), played spoilsport.

All eyes were on the ZNP this election, led by former IPS officer Lal Duhoma. But in real terms, the ZNP became a mere vote divider paving the way for an easy win for the Congress. Though social media saw the emergence of the ZNP as a larger third front in Mizoram, political analysts felt they were just a nightmare for the MDA and nothing more.

“The ZNP wave was there, but too weak to contest the established parties. However, the small share of vote it managed was good enough to disturb the Mizoram Democratic Alliance’s concentration of votes. The bigger the ZNP wave, the bigger the margin of the Congress victory,” said a political analyst.

The ZNP has formed a partnership with the Congress in the Aizawl Municipal Council, but they decided to go it alone in the assembly polls.

(ZNP) is a political party came to existence as a result of  Lalduhoma’s factions split from the MNF.  In both 2003 and 2008 state elections, ZNP party won 2 seats, however this election it couldn’t even open its account.

Out of the 38 seats ZNP contested, the party came second in two seats, while in rest of the seats it managed to get a vote share within range of 15-28 per cent, virtually eating into the vote share of MNF and other local parties.

.If we talk about the vote share of the parties, MNF it appears that the party is steadily losing its support base with 31 per cent vote share in 2003 it came down to 30.65 in 2008 elections, and this time around with only five seats in its kitty the figure remained more or less the same.

While congress increased its share of vote percentage marginally increased to 33 per cent compared to last assembly elections, the swing of around 2 per cent of votes in the favor translated into winning seats.

Though NULP scheme was used as a trump card by congress in this election but, in last assembly elections in 2008, other than the land scheme, the anti incumbency factor which bought the party back to power after 10 year rule of Mizo National Front ( MNF).

No doubt, the Congress’s pilot project, the New Land Use Policy (NLUP), has also played a key role in the victory, felt many including the opposition. The Rs 2,800-crore project had covered 1.35 lakh families across the state and was expected to bring about a sea-change in rural economy.

“I cannot say if NLUP can bring about an economic change for poor farmers, but it has benefitted many in rural areas,” said R Lalthangliana, the vice-president of MNF.

The assembly election saw a high turnout of 81 per cent. In a state where there are more women voters than men, all six female candidates lost the polls. 

More than anything else, the Mizoram election results show us nothing can ever be predicted in a democracy.





Are politicians going to be exposed ?

Several political leaders are expected to figure in a sting operation to be screened by investigative portal Cobrapost  in the national Capital on Thursday.

The operation could show them taking bribes and other enticements against favours. Sources said politicians cutting across party lines could feature in the operation to be screened in the afternoon.